'Europe and the international geopolitical fluidity' - H.E. the Prime Minister of Romania, M. Adrian NĂSTASE - Speech at the University of Oulu

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I?m honoured to be the guest of the prestigious University of Oulu today and to present some aspects of the Romanian vision on the challenges that Europe has to face within the present international environment.

The balance of international relations is changing at a pace which would have been inconceivable 10 or 15 years ago. By and large, the transition from the cold war system is over in geo-strategic, political and economic terms, though work is still needed to maintain the momentum. Who ten years ago would have foreseen the enlargement of the EU and NATO to former Warsaw Pact countries; the move towards institutional reform within the EU; the emerging relationship between the EU and NATO on European defence and crisis management; the new relationships the EU, NATO, and the US are building with Russia?

Finland can be proud of the constructive and active role played by her many representatives, official and non-governmental, in building confidence on our continent and in promoting OSCE as a permanent contributor to European security.

We are seeing two conflicting trends in Europe, a move towards integration on one side, disintegration and fragmentation on the other. On the one hand, many countries and their citizens are anxious to embrace a common European identity, to break down the frontiers between them. On the other, we are witnessing pressures for nationality to be recognised as statehood, a demand to create new borders and new barriers, using ethnicity as a criterion for redrawing borders.

Synchronising the development of the Eastern European states with the European evolutions is not a smooth process, deprived of obstacles, especially against the present background of globalisation. Meanwhile, anti-globalisation feelings are increasingly acknowledged in many Western countries as likely to mark the Europe future cohesion itself.

Another notable trend is that the major powers are no longer the only directors on the European stage. More and more, they have been forced to react to events initiated by much smaller actors. The war in Bosnia, the Kosovo crisis, the Macedonia experience are all evidence of that.

It is widely recognised that the best cure for a potential crisis is to identify the symptoms at an early stage and to treat the root causes. But it seems that the only time the international community acts effectively together is when a crisis is in full flood. What we should be doing is working together to prevent the crisis happening in the first place.

We should be thinking of the Euro-Transatlantic security community not as the Emergency Room for Europe but as a sort of Health Clinic offering inclusiveness in the political, economic and security spheres, and shared values.

It is clear that neither organisation can do everything on its own. We should draw on the lessons learnt from managing the Macedonian crisis and from the mixed success of our experience in Bosnia and Kosovo, and apply them, not only in the Western Balkans, but more widely in the Caucasus and Central Asia.

These developments require a quick and imaginative response, which is not always forthcoming.

I am a strong believer in European and Euro-Atlantic integration as the bedrock for stability of the Europe of the 21st century. The EU and NATO enlargement process is generating a new and exciting vision of a united Europe.

It has inspired us, the countries of Central Europe, to persevere with the difficult process of transition. We are now recognised as stable, politically mature, responsible European democracies. The 1999 Helsinki European Union Summit was for Romania one of the most significant events in our modern history. The NATO Prague Summit next year will, we hope, be another auspicious moment for us.

For the Western Balkans, the prospect of European integration is a major incentive for political and economic reform.

However, there are fears that integration could create new fault-lines in Europe, EU/NATO on one side: the rest of the continent on the other. The EU and NATO can in theory influence developments in the western Balkans but what is the real influence of these institutions in Central Asia and the Caucasus?

The Russian factor is an undeniable reality in the geostrategic equation, politically and economically. President Putin during his State Visit to Finland spoke of the need to create a common security architecture for Europe which would not bring about new lines of division: a security system that is common to all countries. While we may not agree with some of Russia?s solutions, we do agree that we are all responsible for designing our future security environment.

Countries like Romania or Poland could be a bridge to the East, to provide an anchor of stability, to radiate security outwards to our Eastern and Southern neighbours. EU and NATO integration does not mean transplanting a country from one regional grouping to another or renouncing to traditional ties. Its future security lies not only in its own destiny but is touched by events beyond its own borders. The central European states can and should use their membership of the EU and NATO to forge a new and positive relationship with their Eastern neighbours. Pro-West does not mean being anti-East.

Let us not forget for a minute that the strength and tremendous draw of Europe is its very own diversity. Romania, as part of the spirit of Western Europe, believes that the significance of EU enlargement is not just a geographic extension of the EU?s external borders eastwards. It enables the EU, through the states on the eastern and southern borders of the enlarged EU, to act as a launching pad for spreading European values to the adjacent regions.

The new EU members can reconnect the Western Balkans to the European spirit. They can impart a European vocation to the Republic of Moldova. They can irradiate European values towards Eastern Europe and the Caucasus. I am convinced that the EU will be better able to project its role and potential as the driving force of the global economy beyond the Black Sea by making full use of the capabilities of Romania and the other new European democracies.

Western Balkans are the current challenge for the European stability. Historically this region has developed a syndrome of dependency on the great powers. Now we are seeing a second generation of dependency, the need for massive international involvement and assistance.

What lessons can we draw from our experience there which we can apply throughout the Western Balkans?

The Balkans? case calls for a double responsibility. First, the responsibility of the SEE countries to shape their future on the solid foundation of European values. This is a bold undertaking and one for which our present means and resources are limited. Its success would remain a simple political exercise however, if it weren?t matched by the broader, integrative responsibility of Europe as a whole. Mutual mistrust is the permanent danger that we should overcome as an ultimate proof of European emancipation. However deeply entrenched in the regional psyche, this danger can be thwarted through responsibility. Regional responsibility and respect for good neighbouring relations are not secondary obligations but an essential test of our being part of the European community of values.

There is a need for a broader process of reconciliation orchestrated by high-profile leaders who inspire confidence and respect and can dislodge the emotional prejudice of the past. They will need to exercise tremendous political wisdom and courage to conquer the sense of defeat and to put aside the temptation of playing the nationalist card.

The international community, especially the European Union, can do more to support such leaders by applying a truly regional approach. The EU Stabilisation and Association process is one such instrument; the Stability Pact could be another. But these are long-term programmes and the immediate benefits are not obvious to the individual citizen. Political and economic support and assistance needs to be delivered now, not in 2 or 3 years time. What is required is imagination and ambition on access to markets, free movement of labour, less restrictive visa regimes, investment in educational and human capital.

The weak integration of ethnic minority groups has been a major source of political and social tension and outright conflict. Vicious intolerance provoked the disintegration of former Yugoslavia and resulted in ten years of bloody conflict. But the violent nationalism pursued by armed extremists, which we have seen this year in southern Serbia and Macedonia is no better.

Romania?s model of inter-ethnic relations based as it is on European standards shows the benefits of inclusive policies. Empowering local administrations; involving and giving free access to ethnic minorities in the decision-making process; respecting the fundamental rights of the individual citizen; and making the citizen?s prosperity and progress the central objective of public policy; these are the steps towards an integrated society.

And we should not neglect the Roma. Special efforts are needed to address the problems faced by Roma communities, where poverty and inadequate access to education and health services have broken all records. This is not only a national or a regional issue: it is also a European problem that requires genuine solidarity.

Tolerance needs to become standard practice throughout Europe. Towards Ethnic Albanian minorities in the Balkans, the Serb minority in Kosovo, the Russian minority in the Baltic States. Perhaps we should be aiming for a code of standards to be applied to minorities everywhere, along the lines of the EU?s Charter of Fundamental Rights, instead of designing ad hoc solutions in response to a specific problem or crisis, as we have see in Macedonia. We should be applying a common standard, instead of creating disparate solutions for desperate situations.

In the Balkans, the sad truth is that no-one wants to be a minority. If minority rights are fully respected, the push to acquire majority status by redrawing borders loses its appeal. We run the risk of creating a new double standard in Europe if pursuit of minority rights through violence is rewarded by recognition. Romano Prodi said that in the new Europe we are all minorities. This is the right approach.

Another challenge for the United Europe is poverty and social polarisation. They can destroy the human fabric of our society. Half-hearted, or worse, non-existent political and economic reforms contain the germs of future uncertainty. Historically weak states and corrupt bureaucracies combined with new or quasi-statehood are handicaps to the necessary modernisation of government.

South Eastern Europe?s meeting with the Western European world brought to many young people the revelation of the “European dream” or the “American dream” as an emblem of the spirit of freedom, chance and equal opportunities. Their dream should not be wasted. It should equally not be perverted by allowing them to forfeit the pride of their identity.

Education is the foremost factor in creating a new generation of leaders, changing mentalities and developing the human capital. The educational capital is an essential priority of our project of the United Europe; to invest in it is in fact to finance stability in Europe. Larger access to education and employment for the younger generation, free movement within the European space, along with the sense of sharing in the European values should be the starting point in this effort.

The welfare of the citizen should become the main European goal. No corner of Europe can remain a prisoner of the past. There can be no free and whole Europe when black holes of social and economic exclusion still exist. Curing the social and economic fractures throughout Europe is the surest way to tackle the enemy that is social and identity exclusion.

The Stability Pact for South East Europe was designed to address these issues but it has still to produce results. Romania is hosting the Regional Conference in Bucharest at the end of October. We do not want this conference to be just another occasion for political debate. We want to see a concrete outcome in terms of very clear priorities for projects: what kind of regional transport and energy infrastructure projects are needed, fundable and deliverable; public administration reform; the whole area of law enforcement.

We should be working on strengthening vulnerable border services; intensifying law enforcement co-operation; pooling information and experience. The EU border control initiative for the western Balkans is a valuable contribution. We have argued that this should be extended beyond the Western Balkans, making use of the South-Eastern European Centre for combating Trans-Border crime hosted in Bucharest. Let us build barriers against organised crime, not against each other.

The black holes of corruption, organised crime and lawlessness are diseases, which threaten stability throughout Europe. Human trafficking has become the third most lucrative activity globally of organised crime. The threat in Central Asia from religious extremist movements and terrorism has potentially serious consequences far beyond the immediate region. Horrendous terrorist attacks against US affected not just America but whole civilisation. An attack on freedom, attack against humanity and security of the individual, contrary to all human values. The most effective response is a strong and broad coalition for a long-term global process to fight these threats.

A Europe whole and free cannot be divided into those who pose the threat and those who feel it. If we want to cure the ills of Europe, we should examine the common threats and fight them collectively. There is no reason why we should tolerate those who want to resort to new ways to impose their will using force, terror, extremism, nationalist doctrine and fundamentalism.

An united Europe will be born first at the educational and cultural level, which impose a new synchronisation of learning, a modern education. The investment in the educational capital and the continuous impetus to their tireless democratic spirit are necessary inputs for any future European construction. The fundament of our social cohesion cannot be achieved without new jobs, which should be secure and compatible with the exigencies of the global economy.

In this aim, the good governance should be based, in an intelligent and predictable way, on both economic reforms and social responsibility. We should adapt the education and training system, initiate the institutional reforms, which would bring, on the long term, internal stability and jobs, individual security and social justice, the preservation of national economical interests, resources and environment.

The enlargement of the EU represents not only a political and strategic act, but it can bring that level of education and that mobility on the labour market that gives the social cohesion which is so necessary to the new process. An European community in solidarity will be able to be a solid building as long as all its citizens will feel represented in a democratic way and will be part of the ambitious project of the future Union.